The billionaires made a promise — now some want out
The moment seemed to call for it.
“We’re talking trillions over time,” Buffett told Charlie Rose that year. The trillions materialized. The numbers are no longer shocking to anyone paying attention.
Globally, billionaire wealth has grown 81% since 2020, reaching a whopping $18.
3 trillion, while one in four people worldwide don’t regularly have enough to eat. This is the world in which a small group of extraordinarily wealthy people are now debating whether to honor — or walk away from — a voluntary and unenforceable promise to give away half of what they have. The Giving Pledge’s numbers, reported Sunday by the New York Times, trace a steady decline.
In its first five years, 113 families signed the Pledge.
Then 72 over the next five, 43 in the five after that, and just four in all of 2024.
I don’t know if the branding is outright negative,” Thiel told the outlet, “but it feels way less important for people to join. ” The language of doing good in Silicon Valley has been wearing thin for years.
” It was an hilarious joke. The trouble is the idealism being satirized was also, at least partly, real — and what replaced it isn’t so funny.
Judge’s answer: “I think Silicon Valley is immersed in a titanic battle between the hippie value system of the Steve Jobs generation and the Ayn Randian libertarian values of the Peter Thiel generation. ” McNamee’s own read on things was less diplomatic: “Some of us actually, as naïve as it sounds, came here to make the world a better place.
We made some things better, we made some things worse, and in the meantime the libertarians took over, and they do not give a damn about right or wrong. They are here to make money. ” A decade later, the libertarians McNamee was describing have moved well beyond Silicon Valley.
Not everyone agrees on what “giving back” even means.
Building companies, creating jobs, and driving innovation are the real contributions, and the pressure to layer philanthropy on top of them is, at best, a social convention and, at worst, a shakedown dressed up as virtue. Few figures captures the current mood quite like Thiel, who, notably, never signed the Pledge himself and is no fan of Bill Gates (among other things, he has reportedly called Gates an “awful, awful person“). In fact, Thiel tells the Times he has privately encouraged around a dozen signers to undo their commitments and has even gently pushed those already wavering to make their exits official. “Most of the ones I’ve talked to have at least expressed regret about signing it,” Thiel said, calling the Giving Pledge an “Epstein-adjacent, fake Boomer club.
But Thiel also told the Times something worth a harder look: that those who stay on the Pledge’s public roster feel “sort of blackmailed” — too exposed to public opinion to formally renounce a non-binding promise to give away vast sums of money. It’s a claim that’s difficult to square with the public behavior of some of the people Thiel has in mind. Musk has shown little interest in managing public perception, and at this point, a majority of Americans already view him unfavorably. Zuckerberg spent nearly a decade facing some of the most sustained regulatory and public hostility any tech exec has endured and came out the other side more sure of himself, not less. A different picture is meanwhile taking shape on the ground.
“Work,” “home,” “food,” “bill,” and “care” were among the top keywords in campaigns that year.
“Life is getting more expensive and folks are struggling,” the company’s CEO told CBS News, “so they are reaching out to friends and family to see if they can help them through. ” Whether these trends are connected to decisions made in philanthropy boardrooms is a matter of debate, but they’re happening at the same time, and the timing is hard to ignore. It’s worth separating the fate of the Pledge from the fate of philanthropy more broadly.
The CZI cuts look, at least on paper, less like the couple is retreating from philanthropy than recalibrating their approach.
Not everyone is redefining the terms, either.
It’s happened before, this standoff between concentrated wealth and everyone else. The last time wealth concentrated at anything like these levels — the original Gilded Age, the 1890s through the early 1900s — the correction didn’t come from philanthropists. It came from trust-busting, the federal income tax, the estate tax, and eventually the New Deal. It arrived as policy that was driven by political pressure too powerful to be ignored. The institutions that forced that correction — a functional Congress, a free press, an empowered regulatory state — look considerably different today. What isn’t in dispute is the pace of change.
That it once carried weight says something about the era that produced it. That Thiel now frames staying on the list as a form of coercion — and that the Times found that argument worth reporting at length — says something about the one we’re in right now
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